Work/family reconciliation policies have increasingly become part of employment-led social policy at both EU and Member State levels. Given this trend, we expected to see more attention to policies that unequivocally promote women’s employment: childcare provision and the promotion of flexible working, together with reform of leaves that permit labour market exit in order to care for children. Our examination of the nature of change in policy goals and instruments finds that developments have not been this straightforward, and that they can be related to existing (and differing) patterns of labour market behaviour and attitudes towards parental involvement in work and care.

The paper analyzes the policy objectives and (potential) outcomes of one of the recent reforms in German family policy, the new parenting benefit. The reform introduces not only a new policy instrument that puts a stronger focus on the labor-market activation of mothers but also a new policy objective: an attempt to raise the birth rate. We argue that this indicates a paradigm shift in German family policy, as it changes the interplay between (de)familialization, (de)commodification, and stratification. While the new paradigm offers better opportunities for highly qualified parents, it also leads to increasing social inequalities between families and, more specifically, mothers.

What explains the variation in policies that support working women and mothers? This question has important implications for the social, economic, and political equality of women. In order to better understand the politics of government effort to support working mothers, I develop an index of maternal employment policy for twenty Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries in the mid-1980s, mid-1990s, and 2002 and test competing hypotheses drawn from the welfare state literature. I find that political and economic institutions and the percent of women in parliament are key factors that shape the degree to which states encourage maternal employment.

More than fifty countries have adopted quota laws to regulate the selection or election of women to political office. This suggests that states have begun to identify quotas as a new state-led strategy for incorporating women into public life and, by extension, for promoting feminist aims to improve women’s overall social, economic, and political status. This article explores the reasons why quotas have been so readily adopted in diverse countries around the world, as well as possible implications for women as political actors and for women as a group, to gauge the broader meaning of quotas for feminism in practice.

Women’s movements are often described as adopting “strategies” but studies rarely question how and to what extent movement decisions are actually made. This case study considers the Australian second-wave women’s movement’s “choice” to pursue workforce participation over care-centred approaches. It finds that the movement was too diverse and decentralized to make any such collective strategic decision. Action was geared to growing the movement and expressing the concerns of the women involved, not forming political platforms. Nevertheless, a pragmatic strand emerged, in which some groups took significant pro-work decisions to counter the risk of reinforcing traditional sex roles.

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Work/family reconciliation policies have increasingly become part of employment-led social policy at both EU and Member State levels. Given this trend, we expected to see more attention to policies that unequivocally promote women’s employment: childcare provision and the promotion of flexible working, together with reform of leaves that permit labour market exit in order to care for children. Our examination of the nature of change in policy goals and instruments finds that developments have not been this straightforward, and that they can be related to existing (and differing) patterns of labour market behaviour and attitudes towards parental involvement in work and care.

The paper analyzes the policy objectives and (potential) outcomes of one of the recent reforms in German family policy, the new parenting benefit. The reform introduces not only a new policy instrument that puts a stronger focus on the labor-market activation of mothers but also a new policy objective: an attempt to raise the birth rate. We argue that this indicates a paradigm shift in German family policy, as it changes the interplay between (de)familialization, (de)commodification, and stratification. While the new paradigm offers better opportunities for highly qualified parents, it also leads to increasing social inequalities between families and, more specifically, mothers.

What explains the variation in policies that support working women and mothers? This question has important implications for the social, economic, and political equality of women. In order to better understand the politics of government effort to support working mothers, I develop an index of maternal employment policy for twenty Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries in the mid-1980s, mid-1990s, and 2002 and test competing hypotheses drawn from the welfare state literature. I find that political and economic institutions and the percent of women in parliament are key factors that shape the degree to which states encourage maternal employment.

More than fifty countries have adopted quota laws to regulate the selection or election of women to political office. This suggests that states have begun to identify quotas as a new state-led strategy for incorporating women into public life and, by extension, for promoting feminist aims to improve women’s overall social, economic, and political status. This article explores the reasons why quotas have been so readily adopted in diverse countries around the world, as well as possible implications for women as political actors and for women as a group, to gauge the broader meaning of quotas for feminism in practice.

Women’s movements are often described as adopting “strategies” but studies rarely question how and to what extent movement decisions are actually made. This case study considers the Australian second-wave women’s movement’s “choice” to pursue workforce participation over care-centred approaches. It finds that the movement was too diverse and decentralized to make any such collective strategic decision. Action was geared to growing the movement and expressing the concerns of the women involved, not forming political platforms. Nevertheless, a pragmatic strand emerged, in which some groups took significant pro-work decisions to counter the risk of reinforcing traditional sex roles.

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